Masters Of War

Come you masters of war You that build all the guns You that build the death planes You that build all the bombs You that hide behind walls You that hide behind desks I just want you to know I can see through your masks. You that never done nothin' But build to destroy You play with my world Like it's your little toy You put a gun in my hand And you hide from my eyes And you turn and run farther When the fast bullets fly. Like Judas of old You lie and deceive A world war can be won You want me to believe But I see through your eyes And I see through your brain Like I see through the water That runs down my drain. You fasten all the triggers For the others to fire Then you set back and watch When the death count gets higher You hide in your mansion' As young people's blood Flows out of their bodies And is buried in the mud. You've thrown the worst fear That can ever be hurled Fear to bring children Into the world For threatening my baby Unborn and unnamed You ain't worth the blood That runs in your veins. How much do I know To talk out of turn You might say that I'm young You might say I'm unlearned But there's one thing I know Though I'm younger than you That even Jesus would never Forgive what you do. Let me ask you one question Is your money that good Will it buy you forgiveness Do you think that it could I think you will find When your death takes its toll All the money you made Will never buy back your soul. And I hope that you die And your death'll come soon I will follow your casket In the pale afternoon And I'll watch while you're lowered Down to your deathbed And I'll stand over your grave 'Til I'm sure that you're dead.------- Bob Dylan 1963

Sunday, March 17, 2013

Chávez and the Future of Chávismo | Critical Legal Thinking

Chávez and the Future of Chávismo | Critical Legal Thinking

Open RevoltThe most cha­ris­matic, demo­cratic polit­ical leader in dec­ades is dead. Whenever cha­risma plays a role in a demo­cratic con­text, it estab­lishes a par­tic­u­larly mobil­iz­ing polit­ical rela­tion­ship between rulers and the ruled, as it adds to demo­cratic legit­im­acy an iden­tity of belong­ing and a shar­ing of goals that go way bey­ond polit­ical rep­res­ent­a­tion. Well used to being hit by a dis­tant, oppress­ive power (which tends to thrive in low intens­ity demo­cra­cies), the pop­u­lar classes come to exper­i­ence a bridging of the gap between the rep­res­en­ted and their rep­res­ent­at­ives. Oppon­ents will then speak of pop­u­lism and author­it­ari­an­ism, but they will sel­dom con­vince any voters. This is because, in a demo­cratic con­text, cha­risma allows for levels of demo­cratic civic edu­ca­tion that are oth­er­wise very dif­fi­cult to attain. Such unique chem­istry between cha­risma and demo­cracy tends to strengthen both of these, espe­cially when it brings about meas­ures aimed at the social redis­tri­bu­tion of wealth. The prob­lem with cha­risma is that it ends with the leader. In order to move on without the leader, demo­cracy needs to be strengthened by two ingredi­ents whose chem­istry is equally dif­fi­cult to obtain, espe­cially in a post-​charismatic period: insti­tu­tion­al­ity and pop­u­lar participation.
As they shout “We are all Chávez!” in the streets of Cara­cas, the people are lucidly aware of the fact that there was only one Chávez and that the Bolivarian revolu­tion is bound to have enemies, both internal and external, who are strong enough to chal­lenge the keen demo­cratic exper­i­ence that he offered them over the course of four­teen years. Pres­id­ent Lula of Brazil was also a cha­ris­matic leader. Pres­id­ent Dilma, who came after him, has built on the strong insti­tu­tion­al­ity of the Brazilian state and of Brazilian demo­cracy, but has found it dif­fi­cult to com­ple­ment it with pop­u­lar par­ti­cip­a­tion. Venezuelan insti­tu­tions are much less strong, but on the other hand the thrust of par­ti­cip­a­tion is much higher there. It is in this con­text that one must ana­lyse Chávez’s leg­acy and the chal­lenges ahead.
Chávez’s leg­acy READ MORE

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